ย ย ย Sunday, July 5, 2026

A Magazine About Singapore . Since 2011

๐’๐ข๐ง๐ ๐š๐ฉ๐จ๐ซ๐ž'๐ฌ ๐๐จ๐ฅ๐ข๐ญ๐ข๐œ๐ฌ ๐ˆ๐ฌ ๐๐จ๐ซ๐ข๐ง๐ , ๐€๐ง๐ ๐“๐ก๐š๐ญ'๐ฌ ๐Ž๐ฎ๐ซ ๐’๐ฎ๐ฉ๐ž๐ซ๐ฉ๐จ๐ฐ๐ž๐ซ

The British Prime Minister has resigned.

Again.

Depending on when you are reading this, there is a reasonable chance Britain has already replaced him with someone else.

Across much of the world, politics feels increasingly unpredictable. Governments rise and fall. Coalition partners collapse. Elections produce dramatic swings in policy. One administration spends years implementing a programme, only for the next administration to reverse it.

Sometimes entire national conversations seem to restart every few years.

Singapore, by comparison, is astonishingly boring.

Yet many Singaporeans complain about this.

๐ˆ๐ฌ๐ง'๐ญ ๐ฉ๐จ๐ฅ๐ข๐ญ๐ข๐œ๐ฌ ๐ข๐ฌ ๐ฌ๐ฎ๐ฉ๐ฉ๐จ๐ฌ๐ž๐ ๐ญ๐จ ๐›๐ž ๐ž๐ฑ๐œ๐ข๐ญ๐ข๐ง๐ ? ๐“๐ก๐ž๐ซ๐ž ๐š๐ซ๐ž ๐ฌ๐ฎ๐ฉ๐ฉ๐จ๐ฌ๐ž๐ ๐ญ๐จ ๐›๐ž ๐๐ซ๐š๐ฆ๐š๐ญ๐ข๐œ ๐ฏ๐ข๐œ๐ญ๐จ๐ซ๐ข๐ž๐ฌ, ๐ฌ๐ก๐จ๐œ๐ค๐ข๐ง๐  ๐๐ž๐Ÿ๐ž๐š๐ญ๐ฌ, ๐Ÿ๐ข๐ž๐ซ๐ฒ ๐ฌ๐ฉ๐ž๐ž๐œ๐ก๐ž๐ฌ ๐š๐ง๐ ๐ซ๐ž๐ฏ๐จ๐ฅ๐ฎ๐ญ๐ข๐จ๐ง๐š๐ซ๐ฒ ๐ฉ๐ซ๐จ๐ฆ๐ข๐ฌ๐ž๐ฌ. Instead, Singapore often feels like watching a corporate meeting.

Blessedly, boring politics is one of Singapore's greatest competitive advantages.

Imagine you are a multinational corporation deciding where to build a factory.

The factory will cost billions of dollars, employ thousands of workers and it may take twenty years before the investment fully pays off.

Do you want to build it in a country where regulations might change after every election?

Or would you rather build it somewhere where you have a reasonable expectation that today's policies will still broadly exist ten years from now?

Investors, businesses and institutions generally prefer predictability.

The same applies to infrastructure.

When Singapore decides to build an MRT line, it is usually planned decades ahead. Land is reserved. Budgets are allocated. Engineers design around assumptions that future governments are unlikely to suddenly abandon the project halfway through construction.

This continuity is often invisible because it becomes normal.

Singaporeans rarely wake up wondering whether a newly elected government will suddenly cancel Changi Airport expansion, reverse housing policy, abandon the MRT network or fundamentally rewrite the country's economic strategy.

Britain offers an interesting contrast.

Since 2007, the United Kingdom has gone through Gordon Brown, David Cameron, Theresa May, Boris Johnson, Liz Truss, Rishi Sunak and Keir Starmer.

Each leader arrived with a different set of priorities. Some inherited crises. Others created them. Policies shifted. Ministries reorganised. National conversations changed direction.

๐“๐ก๐ž ๐ข๐ซ๐จ๐ง๐ฒ ๐ข๐ฌ ๐ญ๐ก๐š๐ญ ๐ž๐ฏ๐ž๐ง ๐š๐Ÿ๐ญ๐ž๐ซ ๐ฅ๐ž๐š๐ฏ๐ข๐ง๐  ๐จ๐Ÿ๐Ÿ๐ข๐œ๐ž, ๐Ÿ๐จ๐ซ๐ฆ๐ž๐ซ ๐๐ซ๐ข๐ญ๐ข๐ฌ๐ก ๐๐ซ๐ข๐ฆ๐ž ๐Œ๐ข๐ง๐ข๐ฌ๐ญ๐ž๐ซ๐ฌ ๐ฆ๐š๐ฒ ๐œ๐ฅ๐š๐ข๐ฆ ๐ฎ๐ฉ ๐ญ๐จ ยฃ๐Ÿ๐Ÿ๐Ÿ“,๐ŸŽ๐ŸŽ๐ŸŽ ๐š๐ง๐ง๐ฎ๐š๐ฅ๐ฅ๐ฒ ๐ฎ๐ง๐๐ž๐ซ ๐ญ๐ก๐ž ๐๐ฎ๐›๐ฅ๐ข๐œ ๐ƒ๐ฎ๐ญ๐ฒ ๐‚๐จ๐ฌ๐ญ๐ฌ ๐€๐ฅ๐ฅ๐จ๐ฐ๐š๐ง๐œ๐ž ๐ญ๐จ ๐ฌ๐ฎ๐ฉ๐ฉ๐จ๐ซ๐ญ ๐ญ๐ก๐ž๐ข๐ซ ๐ฉ๐จ๐ฌ๐ญ-๐จ๐Ÿ๐Ÿ๐ข๐œ๐ž ๐š๐œ๐ญ๐ข๐ฏ๐ข๐ญ๐ข๐ž๐ฌ. ๐“๐ก๐ž๐ซ๐ž ๐ข๐ฌ ๐ง๐จ ๐ฆ๐ข๐ง๐ข๐ฆ๐ฎ๐ฆ ๐ฌ๐ž๐ซ๐ฏ๐ข๐œ๐ž ๐ฉ๐ž๐ซ๐ข๐จ๐ ๐ซ๐ž๐ช๐ฎ๐ข๐ซ๐ž๐.

This led to an awkward observation after Liz Truss's famously brief tenure. Having served just 49 days as Prime Minister, she became eligible for the same allowance as leaders who spent years in office.

Whether one agrees with the scheme or not, it is a reminder of how often the political carousel has been spinning.

Singapore operates very differently.

Our ministers do not receive a permanent taxpayer-funded office simply because they once held ministerial office. The expectation is that public office is a responsibility undertaken for a period of time, not a title that carries lifelong institutional support.

We live in a world where governments increasingly resemble software stuck in a cycle of constant updates, patches and rollbacks, Singapore's approach can feel almost old-fashioned.

I pity the Straits Times Editor sometimes, we're so boring he might struggle to find something about Singapore for the cover page.

Nothing dramatic happened today.

And that's exactly how we like it.